Why Court Expansion is No Longer Optional

I had been opposed to packing the U.S. Supreme Court—that is, expanding the court to thirteen members. I’ve changed my mind.

In fact, I regard it as a necessity, given the threat of two more years of Trump, even if Democrats control both the House and Senate subsequent to the mid-terms.

As is, there is little Democrats can do to stop him. While the House may very well vote to impeach him, removing him from office requires a two-thirds majority of 67 senators to convict. Even with a likely Democratic surge, all polls indicate that Democrats will fall short of that number. I am, of course, assuming Republicans will not join Democrats in voting for conviction.

The Roberts Court has inflicted serious limitations on what Congress can do. In its 2024 decision, Trump v. United States, it ruled presidents have immunity from prosecution in connection with their core constitutional powers and presumptive immunity for other official acts.

The new Congress can halt funding for the Iran war, but the Trump administration can simply use existing funds to continue the conflict.

Congressional committees can initiate investigations into Trump administration excesses, and the judiciary may rule against its mandates, but Trump has proven able to delay enforcement by repeated appeals, ultimately to the Supreme Court.

Congress can endeavor to restrict funding, but the president can veto, requiring a two-thirds majority to overcome.

It’s imperative that, with all deliberate speed, we liberate the highest court from its Republican tenure.

It is this court that has ruled corporations are people, ushering in massive financial contributions motivated by pecuniary interests.

It is this court that overthrew Roe v. Wade (1973), which had granted women abortion rights.

It is this court that, in rulings such as AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion, restricted class-action lawsuits, making it far more difficult for consumers to hold large corporations accountable.

It is this court that allowed partisan gerrymandering (Rucho v. Common Cause, 2019), resulting in the ongoing erosion of voting rights.

It is this court that created steeper hurdles for holding prosecutors and state institutions accountable for constitutional violations (Connick v. Thompson).

Chief Justice Roberts counters that the court should not be mischaracterized as a partisan entity, but through its ongoing rulings, it has emerged as clearly partisan, unheeding of safeguards to protect public welfare and, worse, enhancing the president over the sovereignty of Congress, eroding the Founding Fathers’ constitutional framework of checks and balances.

To protect our nation from the erosion of democracy, it is time to restore our nation to sanity and expand the U.S. Supreme Court.

—RJ

The Epstein Files: The Hoax Within a Hoax

The news media has found its current raison d’être in Trump’s reneging his campaign pledge to release the Jeffrey Epstein files, leading to myriad conspiracy theories.

This happens, of course, whenever a tourniquet gets applied to information sources. My own thinking is that Trump’s pledge was a calculated “hoax” of his own weave in which he’s now entangled.

As Alan Dershowitz, Epstein’s high profile defense lawyer, informs us, “I was Jeffrey Epstein’s lawyer. I know the facts, some of which I can’t disclose because it is privileged or subject to court-imposed sealing orders. But what I can disclose makes several important things clear: that Epstein never created a client list. The FBI interviewed alleged victims who named several ‘clients.’ These names have been redacted. The courts have also sealed negative information about some of the accusers to protect them. Neither the Justice Department nor FBI interviewed alleged victims who named several ‘clients.’ I know who they are. They don’t include any current officeholders. We don’t know whether the accusations are true.”

What remains troubling is that key portions of this testimony—especially the names—were redacted. As a result, we may never learn the identities of the public figures who may have participated in Epstein’s trafficking ring, one of whose victims died by suicide in April.

As for the alleged thousands of extant videos showing public figures engaged in sexual activity, these claims appear to trace back to Attorney General Pam Bondi. She, too, promised to release Epstein-related materials supposedly sitting on her desk. Yet, like Dershowitz, PBS investigators found no evidence such videos exist (AI Overview)

What cannot be easily dismissed is the disturbing nature of Epstein’s death:

His cellmate had been removed shortly beforehand.

Guards did not carry out their cell surveillance rounds.

Two minutes and fifty-three seconds of the cell video were erased (wired, July 15, 2025).

All of this won’t deter the politicians and media from churning their conspiracies. It makes for great political theater. Politics, of course, has never been blameless of gamesmanship, frequently without limits.

House speaker Mike Johnson’s adjourning the House early for a six-week hiatus serves only to thicken the conspiracy broth.

rj