In a recent Brimmings post, I cautioned Democrats to avoid identity politics: “While minority rights matter, they musn’t be set against the economic rights of all Americans to a fair share. Otherwise, we reap continuing resentment, social fissure, and exploitation.”
To blame working class white males for Harris’ defeat isn’t where it’s at. Truth is America’s working class transcends race and ethnicity. 15% of Blacks voted for Trump; 41% of Hispanic voters did the same. Collectively, they provided the margin of victory in the battleground states.
Perceiving themselves as marginalized while others jumped the queue, they voted their resentment. Trump masterfully exploited that resentment, focusing on unchecked immigration (8 million) at the southern border under four years of Biden.
America’s healing lies in addressing their grievances; if not, we’ll continue to be prey to demagoguery and its selfish interests.
Everyone needs to feel they’ve a place at the table, regardless of race, origin, or background.
I’m with those who believe Kamala Harris will win. Even so, America will remain deeply divided, unless the grievances of America’s working class, transcending race and ethnicity, are addressed.
Healing lies in abandoning the separation of the political and the economic.
While minority rights matter, they musn’t be set against the economic rights of all Americans to a fair share. Otherwise, we reap continuing resentment, social fissure, and exploitation.
What matters isn’t who you are, or where you’re from, but what you believe. Identity politics conversely promote discord.
Unions have shown us the way, promoting shared economic interests transcending identity factions of Left and Right.
Achieving class unity, America secures a vibrant future, true to its promise of shared equality in the pursuit of happiness.
As distinguished economist Robert Reich rightly observes, unless the new administration enlarges the economic franchise, “future demagogues like Vance will almost surely exploit the same bitterness for their own selfish ends.”
“The strongest defense we have against a future of Trumpist fascism is a large and growing middle class comprised of people who, although they may have supported Trump, come to feel they have a stake in America.”
The news hadn’t bode well for Joe Biden even before his disastrous debate with Trump.
The NYT, tracking 47 polls, shows Biden trailing Democratic senate candidates in the upcoming election in all, but one poll, where he’s tied.
His low polling doesn’t come as a rebuke of his policies, at least among Democrats. If one rightly judges the merits of a presidency by its ability to promote change bettering America, Biden outpaces his predecessors, including Obama, putting him in good company with Abraham Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt, and Lyndon Johnson.
The problem is that most voters view Biden as lacking the physical and mental capacity to carry out the duties of office for another four years.
His ninety minute confrontation with Trump simply buttressed the public’s hesitancy.
Watching the debate was painful for me. Biden seemed laboring to reach the podium, stuttering repeatedly, losing his train of thought on one occasion, digressing in several of his responses, and looking down repeatedly as if searching for a response prepared by his handlers.
It was like watching a boxer, trapped in the ring corner, staggered by repeated blows.
Trump’s best line nailed it: “I really don’t know what he said at the end of that sentence. I don’t think he knows what he said, either.”
A healthy, nimble candidate would have atomized Trump quickly in fact-checking rebuttal. Trump was his usual self, hyperbolizing and mendacious, though to his credit, he exercised discipline in not interrupting his opponent.
Though just four years younger than Biden at 77, Trump came across as consistently energetic. “It seemed like a thirty year difference,” one reporter said.
So where do we go from here?
Despite a groundswell of party cohorts urging his withdrawal from the race, seconded by formerly friendly media, Biden is unlikely to heed their counsel—that is, unless there occurs another stumble, both literally and figuratively.
But here’s my take: With six weeks to the Democratic National Convention, August 19-21, an open convention would produce political chaos with a rush of candidates, inadequately assessed.
Kamala Harris is the likely designee. Biden, of course, could immediately resign, allowing Harris to assume the presidency. Any other choice, say a white male replacement at the convention, would spell unmitigated disaster, and assure a Trump victory.
Black and brown voters would abandon ship. As Areva Martin, a California convention delegate pledged to Biden, put it: “If you pick a white man over Kamala Harris, black women, I can tell you this, we gon’ walk away, we gon’ blow the party up.”
The caveat, however, is the improbability of Harris winning in November, polls indicating she enjoys even less favorability than the president.
I say, better not to panic. I believe Biden can still win. Twenty percent of Republicans distain Trump. In a close election, they could provide the margin of victory for Biden, whether by crossing over or not voting a presidential preference. I think it reasonable they’ll do just that.
As for a future four years, if Biden can’t carry out his duties, he can either resign, with Harris succeeding to office, or the Congress can implement the 25th Amendment, Section Four:
“Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.”
Let’s not change horses in midstream. We can still win and smooth out any winkles. The alternative is unthinkable.
Brimmings: up from the well 